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Have you heard this linguistic riddle? What is the difference between envy and jealousy? Answer: Envy is about two people; jealousy is about three people.

In the same spirit, Judis draws a useful distinction between right-wing populism and left-wing populism. Leftwing populists champion the people against an elite or an establishment.

Theirs is a vertical politics of the bottom and middle arrayed against the top. Rightwing populists champion the people against an elite that they accuse of coddling a third group, which can consist, for instance, of immigrants, Islamists, or African American militants.

Leftwing populism is dyadic. Rightwing populism is triadic. It looks upward, but also down upon an out-group. As Judis tells the story, there have been three great bouts of populism in America, the third of which has culminated in the Tea Party and Trump.

All three resulted from worsening economic circumstances experienced by the common people and not remediated by major parties. The first was the original populist revolt of the s and s, produced by the rendezvous of falling farm prices, extortionate local merchants, and monopolist rail operators, causing free farmers to fall into debt peonage.

The rise of the robber barons intensified the sense of injustice. The populists failed as a party in the s, but much of their program was eventually enacted.

In the s, populist demands for redress were effectively co-opted into the New Deal, in which the president of the United States rhetorically embraced a kind of left-wing populism "I welcome their hatred" and delivered practical benefits.

Following the assassination of Huey Long and the long period of uplift of the American white working class, the New Deal was institutionalized and populism pretty well fizzled-until it was revived by Alabama Governor George C.

In Judis's typology, the first two bouts were left-populism-masses against elites. The populism of the s had its racists, but it also had abortive efforts to build bi-racial coalitions.

The Roosevelt brand of populism didn't need to be racist in its appeals, because the New Deal itself scrupulously or maybe unscrupulously maintained the Southern system of segregation as part of its bargain with Southern Democrats.

As Richard Rothstein has documented, the New Deal even extended state-enforced residential segregation to the north, via its public housing and mortgage programs.

One of the dirty secrets of America's quasi—social democratic era was that the social contract excluded blacks, as Ira Katznelson so powerfully demonstrated.

But the latest bout of populism, which has slowly gathered force since the late s, is not just masses against elites-it is native white masses against both unresponsive elites and rising "others," first blacks, later immigrants, as well as gays and feminists-following Judis's model of a triad, not a dyad.

Historically, right-wing populism was contained as long as working- and middle-class whites felt they were getting their fair share, and as long as government took seriously grievances of class.

The lost sense of fair play that opened the door to a new era of right-wing populism was a blend of economic, racial, and cultural grievances, compounded by the demands of new cultural insurgents.

And in a collision of bad luck, the upsurge of black demands for long-deferred rights beginning in the s happened to coincide with the start of a prolonged economic shift that undercut the white, blue-collar middle class.

For Judis, the distributive aspects of the downturn that ended the postwar boom reflected a power shift. Business was resurgent, labor unions weakened.

The process was cumulative. The elements-budget balance, tax cuts, deregulation, liberal trade-undermined both the living standards and the political influence of working people and increased the power and wealth of financial elites.

During the same period, cosmopolitan liberals and the national Democratic Party embraced multiculturalism. Wall Street liberals fought regulation and taxation, but didn't mind either the "amnesty, acid, and abortion" trinity against which Spiro Agnew railed, or a measure of redistribution to the bottom.

The Democrats became a party of the well-educated, the cosmopolitan affluent, the socially liberal, in coalition with minorities and the dependent poor.

Some white working-class voters were still in the coalition, but as unions declined, increasing numbers of workaday whites felt deserted.

Was this shifting coalition a good idea? For decades, analysts such as Thomas Schaller, Ruy Texeira, Stan Greenberg and John Judis in an earlier incarnation have been forecasting that the growth of demographic groups that favor Democrats-the well-educated, the young, ethnic and racial minorities-portends a Democratic-majority nation.

Schaller titled his book Whistling Past Dixie. Presumably, Democrats could stop obsessing about winning back the South because they didn't need it.

And anyway, thanks to the influx of Northerners and Hispanics, the South was becoming more like the rest of America. But what if the opposite is true?

What if the sense of class and racial and cultural hurt so vividly on display in Lake Charles and in J. Vance's Appalachia is creeping northward?

Kevin O'Leary wrote of this trend in a recent Prospect article that was the germ of his new book, Trump and the Roots of Rage , taking George Wallace as the harbinger.

Wallace, who carried five states in and whose vote in several northern states exceeded the margin by which Richard Nixon beat Hubert Humphrey, "spoke the language of the white working class first in the South and then across the nation.

In doing so, Wallace perfected an angry rhetoric that was implicitly racist while being explicitly critical of the federal government and the 'liberal elites' who dominated Washington.

Harold Meyerson wrote of a complementary, equally alarming trend in a seminal article, "How the American South Drives the Low-Wage Economy," published in the Prospect 's Summer issue:.

The South today shares more features with its antebellum ancestor than it has in a very long time. Now as then, white Southern elites and their powerful allies among non-Southern business interests seek to expand to the rest of the nation the South's subjugation of workers and its suppression of the voting rights of those who might oppose their policies.

As the Southern political economy invades the north, the economy may well be generating downwardly mobile white people faster than the society is producing more racial and ethnic minorities and well-educated liberals.

At best, it's a close contest. IN THE POLITICS OF Resentment , political scientist Katherine J. Cramer conducts hundreds of interviews with residents of rural Wisconsin, seeking to learn why the state that elected Robert La Follette, William Proxmire, and Russ Feingold has Scott Walker as its governor.

She finds "people making sense of politics in a way that places resentment towards other citizens at its center. The state's biggest city happens to be Milwaukee, a city with a large black population.

The other large city, Madison, combines the ultra-liberalism of a Cambridge or a Berkeley with the role of state capital. Small-town Wisconsin increasingly abhors Madison for both reasons.

As the rest of the economy has lost income and economic security, the public employees who once had a pay package that seemed merely normal now seem to be enjoying privileges financed by the tax dollars of people who are worse off.

Then they turned it to cream. Then they turned it to ice cream. Race and the perception of racial favoritism compound the problem. The old liberal formula of tax, spend, and regulate has ceased to be effective or persuasive.

Government itself is the enemy. The comments quoted by Cramer could have been from Hochschild. The political sentiments that result seem Southern.

But here they are, in one of the great progressive northern states. It's true that Wisconsin has a history of going right as well as going left.

This was Joe McCarthy's state, too. And that's the point-populism can go either way, whether the driver is downward mobility, or nationalist anxiety over communists or Muslims.

In Wisconsin, at this writing, Clinton is up just five points over Trump. Many whites attracted to the populist backlash also feel beleaguered as Christians.

As Robert P. Jones, a mainstream scholar of religion and columnist for The Atlantic , writes in The End of White Christian America , both mainline and evangelical Christian denominations consider themselves to be sadly in decline.

The statistics, of which Jones provides plenty, bear that contention out. As a share of the population, self-described evangelicals have declined from 22 percent in to 18 percent in Mainline Protestants have dwindled more precipitously, from 24 percent to 14 percent.

You might think, with Schaller and Teixeira, that these trends would lead to a declining religious influence on politics. But the sense of an alien, secular society disrespecting traditional faith and values leads to intensified fervor, especially in the red states and some swing states where religious conservatives are concentrated.

And another paradox: While support for some social issues such as same-sex marriage has grown among evangelicals, the effort to use religious teachings and values to enlist evangelicals to join a progressive pocketbook coalition has failed to materialize.

PICO, a respected coalition of progressive faith-based groups, is heavily rooted in mainline Protestant, left-Catholic, and Jewish congregations. One reason, observes Richard Parker, who teaches religion and politics at Harvard's Kennedy School, is that evangelical teachings stress the direct connection between the congregant and the Lord.

FOR TOM FRANK, THE problem is a Democratic Party that too easily turned away from the ordinary working class in favor of the educated, the successful, and the dependent poor.

In What's the Matter with Kansas? A number of political scientists, such as Larry Bartels, countered that Frank had it wrong.

Class was still a prime predictor of partisan preference if you defined it properly, and working-class whites still tended to support Democrats.

But in the subsequent decade, as the economy has become even more precarious and divided, the terrain has shifted. More downwardly mobile whites are not just voting Republican-they are voting Tea Party and Trump.

On a compelety separate note, I do have a scanned copy of Asif Zardari being expelled from Cadet College Petaro for instigating a revolt against the administration.

He was a classmate of my Cousin and he does not have kind words to say about Zardari's behavious at CCP.

Best of luck with your quest and I look forward to reading more from you. Shamsher Singh Bajwa. Adnan Farooq Chatha I have been living in U.

S for decades, studied here lived! Nothing like that happens in United States! History is a open book here, you can criticize anyone, question any historical leader.

As far as Europe is concerned Of the countries that ban Holocaust denial, a number Austria, Germany, Hungary, and Romania were among the perpetrators of the Holocaust, and many of these also ban other elements associated with Nazism, such as Nazi symbols.

So please do not say every nation sponsors its own history! Liaquat Ali Khan's most nefarious contribution remains the 'Objectives Resolution' which paved the way for the religious clergy to acquire veto power in all legislation.

The space for rational secular discourse was gradually eroded as a result, leading to where we sit today. I knew that. Miraculously,history repeats itself.

Look at people with Imran Khan , there is one person exactly like Liaquat who shoulders Imran,guess who Mehmood Shah Qureshi.

Mr Author , i salute you for searching the truth and bringing it here. You must be a man of high mental caliber! I have always had a great Interest in history, I read Ayesha Jalal's Pity of partition, that strengthens my faith in this weak foundation.

What were the words deemed "against the ideology of Pakistani"? Coming from the person who almost single handedly created it, through his dogged persistence, these would be relevant indeed for general public, considering that the ideology has been hijacked by a radical element.

Shahnam Ali. Kindly keep writing and correct our history I want to know the truth which is concealed in our text books I want to know the reality Good blog though Good effort And those calling Fatimah Jinnah's writings against ideology of Pakistan should be ashamed of themselves.

Somewhere it is written that, when you will know the truth; the truth will set you free. Akhtar, Space in the Dawn may be limited so start a blog of your own.

We as a nation must know our true history. While we cannot change the past, we should learn from it. Thanks for your work.

Thanks for sharing Mr. This is something I have been sharing with people but no one believed me. I hope you cintinue to write such brave articles.

Please write some about Ayub Khan well as Pervez Musharaf as some people still consider them heroes of Pakistan Adnan Farooq Chatha You are partly correct.

In fact, recently such a law was thrown out in Spain as unconstitutional. Having said that, these civilized governments do not issue fatwas, order arsons and suicide bombing as many state and non-state actors around the world do, when a prophet or a holy book is doubted or criticized.

Civilized countries have what is called the rule of law. An accused is presumed innocent until proven otherwise, and have a right to legal representation in courts of law and to a transparent due process.

My late grand father told me a story. Although its content was different, the idea was the same. It was about Mr.

Jinnah's return to karachi after some treatment or something from abroad. When he came to the airport no one was sent by the then prime minister, He came on the back of a cart taking 'ghass' or something.

Jinnah's health was failing then. Any way,, weird that merely this little piece of truth was considered against the ideology of Pakistan.

I mean, the claim is so stupid to begin with. Quaid-E-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was a great leader of Muslims,but his 2-Nation Theory failed to take care of the interests of Muslims in the Indian Sub-Continent.

The body of the MUSLIM Fraternity was literally split into three parts : one formed Bangladesh,one remained in INDIA and one went to west PAKISTAN.

The last body is always in turmoil from day one I. There is tussle between Shias and Sunnis,Sunnis and Baluchis as well as Ahmedias,between Punjabis and Sindhis as well as Mohajirs.

So,who has benefited from Partition? Thinking people of Pakistan must introspect and find their answer. Saleem Mir,MD. Sadly over blown characters of our national heroes has been brought out for public display.

And of all the persons Qudratullah Shahab playing cheaply in the hands of politicians! Quaid Azam called these lilliputian characters as "counterfeit coins" in his interview with Raja sahib of Mahmoodabad and was so true in his observation.

Was the bit about Ayub Khan satire or fact? Why is Dawn suddenly questioning the ideology of Pakistan? Faiza G.

Oj yea! Adnan Farooq Chatha , you can deny the holocaust in the US. Although it is illegal in Germany. No doubt Jinnah was the greatest leader of the independence movement as he knew that he will die within the months following creation of new country if he will not stop working day and night, but he chose to work tirelessly, make it happen and die without having any personal benefit.

How great was that leader. Sad indeed. Delay in providing adequate transport at right time resulting in death of Quaid e Azam was shear negligence or intentional act was never investigated.

I wish if medical science could provide adequate treatment of a curable disorder at that time. Unfortunately such drugs were not there. Just because it happens everywhere it does not become a norm!

We all know that Gandhi was killed, but how many know that Jinnah too was killed. Liaquat wanted to know how long will jinnah last! He made every effort - kept him away from best hospitals, 'house arrested' him away from capital, denied medicines, delayed ambulances, There was no one the calibre of the greatest man of the sub continent , if not the world-Qaida e Azam.

Politicking started immediately , after him. Indian observer. It is understandable for these gentlemen to edit some material out.

Those were difficult times and I guess unity was needed. Just as Now 68 years later, it is ok to publish it, as the Country is established and media is vibrant.

Intellectual dishonesty to prop up ideology is a dis-service to nation. It has to stop. Another marvelous piece.

LoseLose the last line is irrelevant to the incident you narrate. One relates to the inevitability of a nation gaining its independence, the other incidents of political maneuvering so.

Adnan Farooq Chatha Wrong. If you deny the holocaust the very well recorded genocidal massacre of millions of innocents recorded in history , you will be ridiculed.

But if you do hate speech along with that like killing of certain people, you will of course be jailed. Please stop using the same standards of a failed, banana republic to entire western nations and continents.

Here a "holy man" mullah can exhort his "disciples" to hatred resulting in killings and can go scot-free for years even after an untold carnage against innocent children.

Khan Abdul Khan. Is history not full of such circumstances: Did Emperor Jenghair not betray his father over Anar Kali - after all she was Akbar's concubine ; Did Shah Jehhan not eliminate his siblings - did Aurengzeb not only killed his brothers but also imprissioned his father -- L.

Khan wanted to find out when he be sole savior of Pakistan - just like others :Mr. Iskander Mirza, Ghulam Mohammad, Ayub Khan , Bhutto, Zia , etc.

Best part is to know real leaders - their greed ; service and up and downs - but alas! Leaders don't fall from sky - they are product of the society - so please don't expect miracles - instead pay attention to your educational institutions from Kindergarten.

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Latina Alessandra Marquez gefickt von schwarzen Mann
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